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In everyday life, the meaning—and thus the consequences—of social comparisons are shaped by the interpersonal relationship with the comparison target. In two studies undergraduates described a total of 1,863 naturally-occurring upward social comparisons. Participants ascribed higher ability levels to themselves when they had an ongoing competition or close (but not extremely close) relationship with the upward comparison target. Participants ascribed lower ability levels to distant and disliked targets (especially when their standing relative to a disliked target was personally important). Thus, perceived differences between the abilities of the self and the target were minimized when the target was disliked, moderately close, or a rival. These findings extend and qualify findings from laboratory studies of how upward comparisons affect ability judgments.
Undergraduates (n = 156) completed measures of aggression, self-esteem, and narcissism. In accord with previous research, self-esteem and narcissism had opposing effects on aggression and functioned as mutual suppressors: Controlling their shared variance amplified self-esteem’s negative association with aggression and narcissism’s positive association with aggression. Participants also rated themselves and peers on traits that were or were not (a) desirable and (b) humanizing (i.e., uniquely human or reflecting human nature). Ascribing more humanizing and less dehumanizing traits to the self than to others was associated with more narcissism and more aggression (but did not mediate the narcissism-aggression relationship); this intriguing finding should stimulate further study of the social cognition associated with entitled, exploitative, and hostile behavior.
Cultural differences in consistency of responding to questions could be artifacts of cultural differences in acquiescence (an agreeing response style). To highlight this issue, we attempted to replicate previous research showing that Koreans are less consistent than Americans when responding to questions about values. In accord with prior research, we found that Koreans were both more acquiescent and less consistent than Americans. However, the differences between countries in acquiescence partially mediated the differences between countries in consistency. In sum, we show that when using mathematical measures of consistency, researchers must take into account the influence of response styles, and we demonstrate two methods for accomplishing that.
Attitudinal ambivalence refers to holding equivalently strong positive attitudes (ATTPOS) and negative attitudes (ATTNEG) towards the same attitude object. We demonstrate two problems with common measures of attitudinal ambivalence. First, they contain multiple assumptions about how people weigh and balance ATTPOS and ATTNEG that are not separately tested. Second, they are often confounded with attitude valence; specifically, they are confounded with ATTPOS to the extent that most respondents’ attitudes are more negative than positive and with ATTNEG to the extent that most respondents’ attitudes are more positive than negative. To solve these problems, we introduced an alternative procedure—using hierarchical regression—for analyzing effects of potentially opposing attitudes, and demonstrated (with 286 American and 126 Chinese participants) how it produced more revealing and often more parsimonious models of the effects of ATTPOS and ATTNEG on conflicted feelings, behavioral tendencies, culture, and life satisfaction.
Our study sought to: (1) tie the relational self-construal to the nomological net of the interpersonal circumplex and (2) show that prior self-construal research confounded consistent with desirable descriptions of self and others. Undergraduates (n = 233) completed measures of relational self-construal, Machiavellianism, the interpersonal circumplex, self-consistency, and self-friend consistency. Contrary to past research, the relational self-construal only predicted socially desirable types of consistency and did not moderate the effect of self-consistency on well-being. The relational self-construal was located in the communal-and-unagentic region of the circumplex, directly opposite Machiavellianism, and the circumplex and Machiavellianism scales predicted consistency at least as well as the relational self-construal, thus raising questions about whether the relational self-construal refers to a novel explanatory construct.
When people compare with another person they can focus on how they compare either with just that target (a personalized comparison) or with others more generally (a generalized comparison). Four studies (two event-contingent diary studies, one study of comparisons during a triathlon, and one controlled experiment) showed that personalized comparisons were more likely when the target’s attribute was distinctive or there was an interaction or a close or emotional relationship with the target. Perhaps because these conditions that increase interest in the target as a distinct individual were less common during the triathlon than in everyday life, personalized comparisons were relatively uncommon during the triathlon but relatively common in everyday life. Across studies, generalized comparisons magnified the impact of upward comparisons on overall feelings (but not on interpersonal feelings about the self-target relationship), presumably because generalizing broadens the implications of comparisons, whereas personalizing restricts their relevance to the self-target relationship.
Dyadic interactions were analyzed using constructs from social-cognitive theory (self-efficacy and subjective values) and interpersonal theory (interpersonal circumplex [IPC] and complementarity). In Study 1, the authors developed a measure of efficacy for interpersonal actions associated with each IPC region—the Circumplex Scales of Interpersonal Efficacy (CSIE). In Study 2, the authors used the CSIE and the Circumplex Scales of Interpersonal Values (which assesses the subjective value of interpersonal events associated with each IPC region) to predict the dominance expressed and satisfaction experienced by members of 101 same-sex dyads trying to solve a murder mystery. Structural equation modeling analyses supported both social-cognitive and interpersonal theory. A social-cognitive person-variable (dominance efficacy) and an interpersonal dyadic-variable (reciprocity) together predicted dominant behaviors. Likewise, both a social-cognitive variable (friendliness values) and an interpersonal variable (correspondence of friendliness efficacy) predicted satisfaction. Finally, both shared performance outcomes and dynamic interpersonal processes predicted convergence of collective efficacy beliefs within dyads.
College students described themselves in different situations and completed measures of psychological and physical well-being. Previous studies have reported that describing the self as having the same traits in different situations predicts greater well-being. The current study replicated their findings but questioned the validity of their consistency measure—the between-situation correlation coefficient (BSCC). The BSCC was positively related only to the consistency of endorsing desirable and denying undesirable traits (types of consistency positively related to well-being), and was negatively related to consistency of endorsing undesirable traits (a type of consistency negatively related to well-being). Thus, the BSCC, while theoretically a measure of the self's structure, was in reality influenced by its content. Furthermore, distinguishing “yes” versus “no” responses to desirable versus undesirable traits showed that consistency could not be summarized by a single variable. Whereas consistent responses to desirable traits predicted well-being, consistent responses to undesirable traits did not.
Are interpersonal problems related to interpersonal expectations? To answer this question, 150 undergraduates reported problems with being too agentic, unagentic, communal, or uncommunal. Then, over 1 week, each time they imagined how someone might react to them, they recorded who was the other person, how the person reacted, their feelings, and any imagined counter-reactions. Whereas uncommunal people imagined others not caring and themselves not disclosing, agentic people imagined others criticizing and themselves arguing. Agentic and uncommunal people also expected unresponsive and unsupportive reactions. Unagentic people did not expect more negative reactions, but did expect being unable to listen or speak openly when negative reactions or feelings did occur. Imagined reactions generally tended to evoke feelings of anger in agentic people, insecurity in unagentic people, shame in communal people, and disconnection in uncommunal people. Thus, changing everyday interpersonal expectations may help reduce chronic interpersonal problems.
Multilevel modeling of undergraduates event-contingent records of naturalistic social comparison experiences revealed distinct correlates of the horizontal (similar-different) dimension and vertical (better-worse) dimension of comparisons. Complementing past studies showing associations between the horizontal dimension and communal dispositions and experiences, the current study showed that the horizontal dimension is also associated with agentic dispositions and experiences such as self-worth and self-confidence. For example, participants perceived more similarity when comparing with targets' desirable attributes than with targets' undesirable attributes, and perceiving similarities with desirable target attributes (and dissimilarities with undesirable target attributes) enhanced their self-confidence. Participants higher in self-worth (high in self-esteem and low in depression) were more discriminating in their experiences of similarity and connection; specifically, they reported more similarity and connection when targets' attributes were desirable, but less connection the more targets' attributes were inferior to their own.
Many studies have used H (a measure of unpredictability derived from information theory) to quantify the complexity of descriptions of persons across multiple roles. Interpreting these studies is problematic, though, because H confounds unpredictability across roles (which is typically the construct of interest) and unpredictability within roles (which is simply a function of the proportion of traits endorsed). The need to control for unpredictability within roles was highlighted by three demonstration studies in which controlling for unpredictability within roles eliminated relationships between well-being and H. I also show how, controlling for unpredictability due to the number of traits endorsed and number of roles described, H provides a unique measure of role dependence and independence. However, H does not measure the type of role overlaps that would predict "spillover effects" between roles; therefore, I recommend an alternative index of role similarity for future research on spillover effects.
Social comparison involves positioning the self relative to others on a vertical or status dimension (ranging from upward to downward comparisons) and a horizontal or solidarity dimension (ranging from contrastive to connective comparisons). Across three studies in which 389 undergraduates recorded everyday social comparisons (n = 4,417), downward and connective comparisons were rated as more helpful and mood enhancing than upward and contrastive comparisons. The effects of horizontal comparisons were greater for people for whom solidarity was an important value; however, the effects of vertical comparisons were not greater for people who valued status. The roles of the comparison target, topic, and situation were also explored; for example, noticing undesirable features of the target enhanced status but undermined solidarity.
Five studies compared the complexity of explicit semantic knowledge of self and others. In Study 1 students rated targets on unipolar and bipolar trait scales. In Study 2 they used trait checklists to describe targets in various roles. Study 3 replicated Study 2 except participants generated a unique set of roles for each target. In Studies 4 and 5, judges coded the complexity of open-ended descriptions of each target. Self-other differences in complexity were found in both directions, and depended on such factors such as the valence of the descriptors and the closeness of the target. For example, compared to self-descriptions, descriptions of disliked others contained fewer roles and more negative traits, while descriptions of liked others (though generally similar to the self) contained fewer negative traits and more roles. Overall, the results contradict the common belief that people think more complexly about the self than others.
Three studies describe the development, psychometric properties, and potential utility of a new self-report measure, the Circumplex Scales of Interpersonal Values (CSIV). The CSIV was designed to complement other interpersonal circumplex measures (that assess interpersonal behavior) by efficiently assessing a comprehensive set of agentic and communal values. The eight 8-item scales of the CSIV were shown to have good internal consistency and test-retest reliability and a circumplex structure. The CSIV showed convergent and discriminant validity with measures of interpersonal traits (the BSRI), interpersonal problems (the IIP-C), implicit interpersonal motives (the TAT), and interpersonal goals (the IGI). Finally, the locations of the MCMI-III personality disorder scales on the CSIV circumplex generally mirrored the locations of personality disorders on other interpersonal circumplex measures.
We suggest that social comparison research has neglected communal feelings and concerns because it typically asks subjects to compare objective characteristics that invite evaluative rankings (e.g., test scores), with acquaintances or strangers, and without any interaction. When we asked 138 undergraduates to record their spontaneous social comparisons over 1 week, we found they often compared subjective characteristics (e.g., feelings), with close others, and during interactions. Comparing subjective characteristics, with close others, or during interactions increased the likelihood of communal outcomes (e.g., feeling connected, focusing on similarities as opposed to differences). Communal traits also predicted feeling connected during comparisons; agentic traits predicted feeling confident and comparing downward. We conclude that the basic interpersonal axes—agency and communion—together shape social comparisons as they occur in daily life.
Previous research has shown that people ascribe more traits to themselves than to others, and more traits to liked others than to disliked others, suggesting that the self and liked others are viewed as "multifaceted". A limitation of those studies was their use of generally desirable traits. The present studies asked subjects to describe themselves and liked and disliked well-known others and acquaintances on trait pairs spanning the full range of social desirability. The results for desirable traits replicated previous studies, but the results for undesirable traits did not. Subjects judged themselves to have the same number of undesirable traits as others, and judged liked others to have fewer undesirable traits than disliked others. Nondepressed subjects showed these biases to enhance the self and liked others to a greater degree than did depressed subjects.
Matano, R., & Locke, K.D. (1995). Personality disorder scales as predictors of interpersonal problems of alcoholics. Journal of Personality Disorders, 9, 62-67. The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI) personality disorder scales and the Inventory of Interpersonal Problems (IIP) circumplex scales were administered to 177 patients being treated for alcohol dependence. Schizoid, avoidant, and negativistic patients reported problems with being too guarded and distant; narcissistic patients with being too domineering; compulsive patients with being too unassertive; antisocial and paranoid patients with being both guarded and domineering; histrionic patients with being both open and domineering; and dependent patients with being both open and unassertive. Comparisons with previous research suggest the interpersonal implications of personality disorder measures are consistent across different populations.
Alcohol dependent outpatients were clustered on the basis of their responses on the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI) personality disorder scales; male and female patients were clustered separately. The clusters were compared with respect to self-reported psychiatric, interpersonal, and drinking problems. The results, along with those of previous cluster analyses with male inpatients, suggest several reliable personality subtypes. One type (more common in inpatient settings) scores high on Negativistic and Avoidant/Schizoid or Dependent scales, and reports numerous problems and intense distress. A second type (more common in outpatient settings) reports few problems, and scores highest on Compulsive or Histrionic/Narcissistic scales. A third group (found in all and only male samples) scores high on Narcissism and Antisocial scales, readily admits substance problems, and may be interpersonally controlling and distancing.
Two studies examined whether emotional comparison and distraction with emotion congruent and incongruent art would improve the well-being of dysphoric undergraduates. In both studies, subjects (1) imagined a sad event, (2) compared their mood to that expressed by incongruent art (upward comparison) or congruent art (downward comparison), or focused on technical features of incongruent art (incongruent distraction) or congruent art (congruent distraction), and (3) rated their emotions and life satisfaction. The incongruent distraction group reported feeling more positive and more satisfied, and the downward comparison group reported feeling more satisfied, than the upward comparison or congruent distraction groups. Thus, comparison and distraction can improve well-being when directed towards emotion congruent and incongruent art, respectively.
The present study compared dysphoric and non-dysphoric male and female undergraduates as they conversed with dysphoric or non-dysphoric undergraduates of the same sex. Subjects rated their satisfaction with the conversation after each turn. The results showed that people in homogeneous dyads (i.e., both partners were dysphoric or both partners were non-dysphoric) were more satisfied with the interaction, and their satisfaction increased as the conversation proceeded. People in mixed dyads were less satisfied, perceived each other as colder, and spoke about increasingly negative topics. Thus, in accord with other research showing that similarity leads to liking, the crucial determinant of interactional satisfaction was neither the mood of the subject nor the mood of the partner, but their similarity in mood. |
