Stop!
The
Government Should Not
Regulate the Information Highway
Attorney Doug Isenburg, publisher of a website that provides information for
Internet professionals, advised a distressed friend to search the Internet for
statistics when she had a miscarriage. Because she discovered miscarriages were
common occurrences, she was comforted by this information. Unfortunately,
advocates of governmental Internet regulation want to ban this and other
“inappropriate” information from reaching the eyes of minors. If this happened,
Doug Isenburg’s friend might be forced to disclose personal information before
gaining access to Internet knowledge, deterring her and others from looking up
this information and causing a lot of unnecessary grief (Isenburg 59).
Anyone with a phone line and a computer can connect to the Internet. Due to its
worldwide access, the Web functions as a free information medium with little
governmental control. Advocates of government regulation, however, want to put
an end to the “anarchic” information highway. If we allow the government to put
restrictions on the Internet, what will happen to the World Wide Web? The detour
signs enforced by the government will slow down the free exchange of ideas in
this new information medium. Would Doug Isenburg’s friend be willing to fill out
an age verification form to enter an “adult” content website, or would she chose
to remain ignorant and worry needlessly? If the Internet is allowed to stay in
its present state, she will not need to make that decision. In order to keep the
Internet a free medium it should not be regulated by the government; such action
would handicap the purpose of the information highway. The two main areas of
controversy in this issue are Internet insecurities and the right of free
speech.
While people are concerned about Internet security on the information highway,
the two that are most media publicized are privacy and fraud. The Internet has
broken down international and commercial barriers for the common person, but it
has also allowed businesses to hoard customers’ private information (Coleman and
Graubert). This hoard of knowledge, if leaked, could open children’s private
data and anyone’s medical records. Also, it allows identity thieves easy access
to numerous victims (Zurier 35). Fraud, as with any information medium, is a
problem. The most common fraud technique on the Internet is a Pyramid Scheme,
where the promoter provides “easy money” in exchange for investments or
recruiting other investors. According to economists, ninety-five percent of
these people lose their money (Coleman and Graubert).
With concerns such as these, it is clear to see why people are pushing for
Internet regulation, but media hype overshadows many misconceptions about the
Internet. The public needs to step back and look at the Internet as a whole.
Once they do this, they should realize that privacy and fraud occurrences are
rare. H. Robert Wientzen, CEO and president of the Direct Marketing Association,
emphasizes the numerous many daily exchanges that are executed instead of the
“what-if” scenarios (Zurier 35). How many successful Ebay transactions have
executed smoothly? How many Amazon.com orders have reached their destination
with no problems? In the grand scale of e-commerce, fraud and privacy problems
do not constitute a majority of transactions.
Another misconception about the Internet is that in its current state there are
absolutely no regulations. This is untrue. The government might not regulate the
World Wide Web, but the information highway still falls under the government’s
jurisdiction when crimes are committed. For example, Internet pharmacies have
become a concern not only to doctors, but to the public as well. Through online
stores, people have the potential to purchase drugs without a doctor’s
prescription. When these drugs are given to the patients, the company doesn’t
inform them of the possible complications. Just because they are performing
these acts online does not mean that it is legal. Internet pharmacies are still
under the jurisdiction of the United States government even if they are online.
For example, Pillbox.com, located in Texas, was selling prescription drugs to
residents in Missouri. Because they had not acquired a state license, they were
fined $15,000 and had to reimburse customers from Missouri (Oliver 98). In cases
similar to this, the government still has the right to prosecute those
individuals who commit crimes, no matter how such crimes are committed. If one
commits a copyright felony by copying a CD and selling it online, it is the same
as copying a tape from Hastings and selling it.
Moreover, the problems that exist on the World Wide Web can be solved without
government intervention. Take privacy and fraud concerns for example. First, it
is logical that reputable companies should regulate themselves. Since these
companies want their customers to return, they should not anger them by posting
the customer’s personal information on a website or hand it out to those who
would abuse it (Zurier 35). According to an Economist article, “Many markets
have an incentive to regulate themselves, competing to offer consumer protection
from unpleasant experiences. Investors prefer to put their money into companies
on well-run exchanges” (“Hands off the Internet” 7). While most companies will
do the best they can to protect customers, individuals doing business over the
Internet and giving money to investors still need to be cautious. The same
principles people use when buying something from a store or on the phone should
be applied. Does it have a good reputation? Am I purchasing from a credible
store like Wal-Mart or some random person I do not know anything about? A
customer needs to gather information on the company or person they are
purchasing from, just as one would do in everyday life.
Among the biggest debates raging over Internet regulation resides the First
Amendment issue. The First Amendment stated in the Bill of Rights reads,
“Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of
the press” (Constitution 21). Because the First Amendment protects the right of
freedom of speech, the First Amendment poses a problem for regulation in any
information medium. How can the government regulate the Internet without
infringing on American’s right to free speech? There are many topics dealing
with the Internet that have been argued under the First Amendment: hate speech,
limiting minor access to information without limiting adults, private versus
public access to certain information on the Internet, and how to regulate the
Internet.
Hate speech has been a topic of debate since the 1920s (Becker, Bryan, and
Jipson). The right to express one’s opinion is protected by the First Amendment,
thus, so is hate speech. Some people have been advocating for a hate speech free
Internet, but to accomplish this would take rights away from American society.
In a 1997 Chicago Poll, only 1/3 of Americans thought that hate speech should
not be protected by the First Amendment (Becker, Bryan, and Jipson). This means
that the majority, two-thirds, believed hate speech should be protected.
While advocating protection of hate speech might seem like only a degrading and
cruel practice at first, there are many reasons why it is allowed. Restricting
hate speech means restricting the right to have an opinion, which is what
democracy is based upon. Were there not posters mocking British soldiers during
the Revolutionary War? Was there an absence of hate posters against Spaniards in
the Spanish-American War? The free flow of ideas, both popular and unpopular,
created this country and made it what it is today. Banning such exchanges would
dissolve the foundation that established this country.
On
top of all this, limiting hate speech is a much harder task than it first
appears to be. How would we limit hate speech? Would it encompass all “immoral”
hate speech or just certain factions? According to a scholarly Internet law
review article:
If all hate speech is restricted, the groups
and individual promoting this speech will feel infringed upon. If only certain
categories of hate speech are restricted, segments of the population may feel
devalued by society if they are the targets of hate speech not restricted.
(Becker, Bryan, and Jipson)
If
we decided to ban only a section of hate speech, how would Americans
differentiate between acceptable hate speech versus non-acceptable hate speech?
If homosexuals were targeted as a lawful form of hate speech but not racial hate
speech, would they not feel ostracized from the norm of society? Free speech is
a right given to all Americans, not just those whose ideas are most popular or
viewed as morally right. This country’s ideals lie in giving rights to those who
fall in the minority along with giving power to the majority reign of thought.
It can be said that there appears to be more Christians than atheists in
America, but that doesn’t give us the right to ban people who don’t believe in
God to speak their mind. Just as we allow Christians to create websites, the
American way of government must allow atheists to do the same. To limit those
people from speaking, whether a person believes in their viewpoint or not, takes
away their First Amendment Right. Because we can’t draw that fine line or cut
out all hate speech in general, banning hate speech without infringing on the
freedom of speech becomes impossible.
Once again, just because hate speech is allowed on the Internet, crimes through
threats are an entirely different manner. While the government doesn’t regulate
the content in the Internet, it can still prosecute those individuals or
websites that are violating the law. “Speech that expresses a clear intent to
commit or threaten harm is not protected speech” (Becker, Bryan, and Jipson).
Just as yelling fire in a crowded theater is unacceptable and not protected
under free speech, neither is stating an intent to kill someone. An example of
prosecuting threatening speech occurred at the University of California. A
student sent e-mails to 50 Asian students threatening to kill each of them. The
now former student is currently residing in a jail cell (Becker, Bryan, and
Jipson).
Restricting information from minors has fallen under the critical eyes of
Internet regulation activists. Pro-regulators want to prevent those under
eighteen from viewing “inappropriate” material ranging from satanic culture to
drugs (Goldberg 18). The word, inappropriate, can be interpreted many ways. This
material could include medical reports, which can be educational. Would Doug
Isenburg’s friend, who had a miscarriage, have to login and give a password in
order to view medical information? Would she still want to look up this
information if she had to input a credit card for validation? Banning all of
this “unhealthy” material would infringe upon the rights of adults to view and
as well as send the regulated information. For example, imagine that someone
gave out a message about Satanists in a chat room. If a minor happened to be in
the room, the sender would be punished for sending out such information, thus
limiting that person’s right to freedom of speech (Weaver 59). Since everyone
shares the privilege of equal rights in America, the government cannot allow a
child’s rights to be the only consideration. To do so would be unconstitutional
according to the First Amendment and unfair to the adult population.
Regulating access to certain information in public settings, such as a library,
has become the heart of the public versus private domains issue. Public places,
according to regulation advocators, should be regulated because of their
openness. Although, according to Beverly Goldberg, most lawmakers water down
regulations toward public areas (18). Why do they do this? Lawmakers believe
that schools and libraries will regulate themselves. Even the companies who
create the filter software stand against government intervention. Susan Getgood,
the Vice President of the company that makes CyperPatrol, states:
Most schools and many libraries have already
installed filters to help implement their policies for the acceptable use of
computers. Decisions about whether to install filtering software technology
should be made locally, not handed down from state or federal governments. We
just don’t think the government needs to get involved mandating any
technology, even our own.” (qtd. in Goldberg 18)
Schools and libraries have already begun implementing their own filtering
programs. It would seem foolish for the government to make a law to instigate
activity that is already occurring.
The
last issue in the regulation controversy is how are we going to regulate the
Internet. Does the Internet consist of the only the United States or a plethora
of allied countries? Business Week brought up a good point in its article, “The
Net: How to Head Off Big Time Regulation.” “Imagine how much harder life would
be at Amazon.com if the company were forced to comply with everything from
Kuwaiti decency standards to European privacy laws to Iowa sales tax” (89). How
many times a day would Amazon.com need conferences with lawyers and accountants
to make sure the company was complying with regulations from all sides and
countries?
Already, problems concerning regulation that bypass country boundaries have
surfaced. In France, it is against the law to purchase Nazi paraphernalia
because it destabilizes France’s national sovereignty. The United States, with
its emphasis on individual rights, tolerates the sale of such items. But someone
in France bid on a Nazi paraphernalia on Yahoo! Auctions in America. After a
large uproar, the cautious Yahoo! banned all Nazi items from being sold on their
auction site (Dettmer 13). How can one country regulate the Internet without
infringing on another country’s sovereignty? Obviously, the United States
doesn’t appreciate France telling one of our companies what it can or cannot
post on its site. Because no one really knows what to do about this dilemma, the
Internet remains as it is today, a relatively free information medium.
The
biggest victory for advocators of non-governmental regulation is the Supreme
Court’s ruling that a portion of The Communication Decency Act of 1996 as
unconstitutional. This act, if established wholly, would have prevented minors
from viewing “inappropriate material.” According to the Supreme Court, this law
was ruled unconstitutional for two reasons. The first reason was is vagueness of
the term “inappropriate” (Cheeseman 521-2). Since the law would have allowed a
minor’s right to overshadow an adult’s, the act was deemed unconstitutional. The
second was the penalty for the crime allowing a person under eighteen from
viewing this material. The offender could face a fine and jail time (Cheeseman
521-2). Not only would rights of the adult sending the “questionable”
information be infringed upon, but he or she would also be fined for speaking
his mind in a chat room or on the Web. So, “the [Supreme] Court concluded, as, a
matter of constitutional tradition, … we presume that governmental regulation of
the content of speech is more likely to interfere with the free exchange of
ideas than to encourage it” (Weaver 31).
The
World Wide Web is not problem free, no information medium is. But if we allow
the government to regulate the information highway, American society will face
new difficulties. Most companies that want customers to return will keep their
private information confidential. Most of the content problems can be solved on
a self-regulation basis, such as the libraries and schools that use protecting
software from Susan Getgood’s company. While these filter are not perfect they
are “sharper than the blunt instruments government censors wield” (Economist 7).
The First Amendment protects the rights of all people in America, not just those
that follow the more popular opinions of society. We cannot allow popular
opinions to eliminate the existence of unpopular ones. Thus, the present system
of self-regulation and little to no government interference, unless crimes are
committed, is the best solution. The Internet is an information highway, and
that ride should not be plagued with roadblocks and dead ends placed by
governmental regulators.
Works Cited
Becker, Paul, Bryan Byers and Arthur Jipson.
“The Contentious American Debate: The First
Amendment and Internet-Base Hate
Speech.” International Review of Law, Computers
& Technology 14.1 (2000):
133-142.
Cheeseman, Henry R. Business Law: Ethical, International & E-commerce
Environment. 4th Ed.
Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 2001.
Coleman, Jill and John Graubert. “Consumer protection and antitrust enforcement
at the speed
of light: the FCC meets the internet.” Canada – United States Law
Journal 25 (1999): 275-294.
The Constitution of the United States and The Declaration of Independence. 3rd
Ed. Washington
D.C.: Commission of the Bicentennial of the United States
Constitution, 1987.
Dettmer, Jamie. “Regulators Ready to Put Chains on Cyberspace.” Insight on News
17.34 (2001): 13.
Goldberg, Beverly. “Internet-Regulation Bills Abound, Rebound for Libraries.”
American Libraries
32.7 (2001): 18.
“Hands off the Internet.” The Economist 343.8024 (1997): 7.
Isenburg, Doug. “The Censor That Couldn’t.”
Internet World 6.16 (2000): 59.
“The Net: How to Head Off Big-Time Regulation.” Business Week 1999 May 10: 89.
Oliver, Amy. “Internet pharmacies: regulation of a growing industry.” Journal of
Law, Medicine &
Ethics 28.1 (2000): 98.
Weaver, Russel L. “Free Speech, Crime, and the
Challenge of Advancing Technology.” International
Review of Law, Computers
& Technology 6.16 (2000): 59.
Zurier, Steve. “Privacy Sound Off: Regulation Vs. Self-Regulation.” Internet
Week 733 (1998): 35.